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"The
situation in East Turkestan after half a century of Chinese communist
occupation"
A Conference
organized by the East Turkestan National Congress (ETNC) in collaboration
with the Transnational Radical Party (TRP)
European Parliament (Room 7 C 50), Brussels, the 17th October 2001
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Opening of the works by
Enver
Can
President of the East Turkestan National Congress
Olivier Dupuis
Secretary General of the Transnational Radical Party, MEP
Speakers:
Enver
Can
President of the East Turkestan National Congress
Erkin Alptekin
General Secretary of the Unrepresented Nations and People's
Organisation (UNPO)
Prof. Michael van Walt van Praag
Professor at the San Francisco University, Co-founder of the
UNPO
Prof. Timur Kocaoglu
Professor of Central Asian Studies, College of Arts & Sciences,
Koc University
Oetkur Umit
Writer, Poet and friend of the Uyghur people
Timothy Cooper
Ambassador-at-large, China Democracy Party
Ulrich Delius
Asian Director of the "Society for Threaten People"
Peter E. Müller
International Society for Human Rights
Kelsang Gyalsen
Representative of the Tibetan Government in Exile to the European
Union
Marie Holzman
Sinologist
Albrecht Göring
German lawyer
Honorary Guest Speakers
M.Riza Bekin
Honorary Chairman of East Turkestan National Congress
Dr. Havva Kok
Lecturer at the Middle East Technical University Center for
Black Sea and Central Asian Studies
Per Gahrton
Chairman of the European Parliament Delegation with the People
Republic of China
Mr. Muzaffer Özdag
Former Deputy of the Turkish Grand Assembly and President
of the Turkish-Azerbaijan Friendship Asso
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THE
RELIGIOUS DIMENSION OF THE UYGHUR FREEDOM MOVEMENT
Speech by Oetkur UMIT
Poet, Writer and Friend of the Uyghur People
Ladies
and Gentlemen;
Honorable Members of the European Parliament;
Distinguished Panelists, Speakers, Members of the Press, and Guests;
M. Dupuis et les membres distingues du Partie Transnationale Radicale,
je vous remercie pour cette opportunité;
Asalam Aleikum Hormetlik Uyghurlar:
1. Thank you for this opportunity
I am grateful to the East Turkestan National Congress and to the Transnational
Radical Party of the European Union for hosting this occasion and providing
us with the opportunity to support the cause of freedom for the Uyghur
nation of Eastern Turkestan. I am impressed by the number and calibre
of individuals and organizations represented at this conference.
This meeting is a historic occasion because for the first time the European
Community has invited the Uyghur community to present their case for determining
the future of their existence as a people. It would be wonderful to one
day hear that the Uyghur freedom movement is supported by the "collective
will of the world," to quote US President George Bush Jr. The Uyghur movement
is about the deepest human aspiration for freedom and self-determination;
an aspiration supported by the "western values" enjoyed in Europe, the
USA and the rest of the free world.
This conference, providentially, also takes place at a very significant
moment in the context of human history. It is difficult to separate current
world events from the situation of the Uyghurs in China. One is forced
to put the Uyghur struggle for self-determination within a global context,
a background that involves a deeper understanding of ethnic conflicts
carried to the brink of world war, the so-called "clash of civilizations".
It is also fitting that this conference takes place in this building,
the parliament of the European Union. The European Union is engaged in
a social experiment of vast proportion and momentous significance. Uniting
such a diverse range of cultures across a continent; peoples with distinct
histories, religions, and languages, uniting under one monetary and administrative
system-this is truly radical, even revolutionary.
Can I also thank the good people of Brussels for their hospitality, and
the Belgians of Vlaamerden and Wallonia for inspiring us to live in harmony,
despite differences in language, history and religion. You know, more
than others, that a united nation, like a good marriage, requires communication,
patience and hard work.
2. I am a poet of love, a writer of freedom, and a friend of the Uyghur
peoples
I come to you today as a poet of love, a writer of freedom and a friend
of the Uyghur peoples. I do not represent an organization, institution
or group in any official capacity, though I do bring you greetings from
the leaders of the Uyghur American Association, who unfortunately could
not be here today.
I speak to you today under difficult circumstances, following the events
of an evil day that changed the world, a world that now waits in uncertainty
and apocalyptic fear for a new world order to emerge from dust and ashes.
My speech is entitled "The Religious Dimension of the Uyghur Freedom Movement."
I speak as a Christian who for some years now has been impressed by the
high moral values and deep spiritual faith of many of my Uyghur Muslim
friends and I believe this is a strength that they need to develop in
their freedom movement.
NO TERROR
A few days ago I spoke to the president of the Uyghur American Association,
Turdi Huji. He told me that on September 11, he had returned to the United
States following his involvement at the United Nations Conference on Racism
held in Durban, South Africa. On that fateful Tuesday morning his flight
had arrived early in New York. On the way home his train passed the skyline
of that great city and he saw the World Trade Center towers burning in
the wake of the terrorist attack.
Deeply shaken, Turdi Huji and the Uyghur American Association expressed
their outrage and sadness in a statement that read, "The Uyghur American
Association deplores and renounces the use of violence to achieve political
ends. The Uyghur American Association does not support any organization
or individual that advocates violence for any purpose."
The Uyghurs also responded with more than words. The Uyghur American Association
called all Uyghurs in the USA to donate blood for the survivors of the
attack. This show of support from Uyghurs extended as far as Central Asia.
There a young Uyghur refugee fleeing the terror of a Chinese crackdown
on Uyghur students in the city of Gulja, asked to donate blood for the
survivors of the New York City attack. The Uyghurs are willing to give
their blood for the survivors of terrorist acts, because they have experienced
first hand the effects of state-sponsored terror.
We who are citizens of the civilized world decry acts of barbarity, terror
and violence against men, women and children, in whatever form that terror
takes. As human beings, on the basis of religious beliefs, moral convictions,
and humanitarian ideals, we must condemn acts of terror of any kind. We
must say NO to terrorism, whether perpetrated by a lone individual with
bombs strapped to his waist, whether conducted by a group of hijackers
armed with box cutters, whether orchestrated by a shadowy international
terrorist network claiming divine rights to violence, whether executed
by the righteous anger of a nation that drops bunker busting bombs on
villages, or whether administered by a state that conducts institutional
terror, forced abortions, ethnic cleansing, and cultural genocide on its
citizens. We must say NO to terror of any kind.
STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM
We do not agree with the distinction that terror can be justified on the
basis of resisting foreign occupation, or that terror can be practiced
on a population that resists domination. There is no justification for
terror. Those who support terror or practice terror must forfeit their
right to be heard in any assembly of peoples. There must be zero tolerance
for terror of any kind in the world-individual, organizational or state-sponsored
terror. We have God as our witness to take this stand against all forms
of terrorist activity. There is no justification in any holy book of any
major religion in the world that supports terrorism. Even if one distorts
verses in the Bible or the Quran to support violence, these are superseded
by more verses that in effect say,
"THOU SHALT NOT KILL."
In history there have been justifications for the use of force and the
waging of "just war." The authority of the state to execute justice includes
the penalty of death; in the same way the authority and power of a government
or a revolutionary group to wage war for the sake of a right moral cause
has been understood in religious and legal terms. However, it should also
be understood that the waging of a "just war" also includes the proper
use of ethical means to achieve a moral end. A just war cannot be waged
with terror; the use of weapons of destruction must be matched against
an equal and opposing force; there must be fair rules in the waging of
war and the combatants in a war must be brought before impartial tribunals
of war to ascertain that the rules of combat were observed. The Geneva
Convention played a significant role in the waging of the 20th century
world wars, and the war tribunals have been active since Nuremberg, most
recently in the case of the Serbian leaders who waged genocide on Yugoslavs.
Last week, at a NATO Parliamentary Assembly in Ottawa, Canada, Mark Grossman,
US Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, spoke the following
words, "We must take steps to insure that one man's terrorist is not somebody
else's freedom fighter."
I agree that the time has come to remove a relativistic perspective on
terror. I would also add that we should extend this condemnation of terrorism
to not only include states that support terrorism but also states who
practice terror against their own people. Any government by individuals
or parties that imposes a reign of terror on their subjects has lost the
legitimacy to rule or impose their will on the people. Many states hide
their state sponsored terrorist acts behind a curtain of national sovereignty,
just as many businesses and charities hide behind a corporate veil to
hide their support of terrorism. These rogue states argue that other states
must respect their sovereign right to impose force on a minority ethnic
group, religious movement, or opposition political party.
The problem with this argument lies in the changing nature of the world.
In a global community, the rights of sovereign nations are subject to
limitations. The acts of a sovereign state, even domestic acts, are no
longer neutral when they impinge on the stability of other sovereign states.
A sovereign state whose domestic problems affect neighbors is no longer
acting within a sovereign, self-contained sphere. A sovereign state whose
ethnic minorities are marginalized and whose extremists resort to acts
of terror is a sovereign state that promotes terrorism. A sovereign state
that refuses to dialogue with its ethnic minorities is a sovereign state
that creates an environment favorable to the growth of extremism and terrorism,
a state that nurtures a scourge that reaches around the world and causes
global and regional instability and insecurity. Though there can be no
justification for acts of terror, in a fallen world there are psychological,
political and social causes that promote extremism and terrorism. These
roots must be analyzed in order to eliminate the breeding ground for the
desperate acts of misguided men.
COMEBACK OF RELIGION
Last Saturday I toured the area of Ground Zero, the site of the ruins
of the World Trade Center in downtown Manhattan. We witnessed the devastation,
the clouds of smoke, dust and steam, the cranes working around the clock,
the policemen, firemen, soldiers, medics and volunteers working diligently
to remove the rubble and recover the bodies of almost 5,000 people still
missing. Along one of the side streets a choir from a church in Rome,
Georgia sang hymns of praise to God. A small group of citizens, representative
of New York, the defacto capital of the world, stood to listen. Among
the crowd were Jews who had survived the Nazi holocaust, Palestinian women
who had fled the West Bank of Israel, Sudanese Christians who had escaped
the massacres of that country's civil war. As the church choir sang, I
saw signs all around, "God bless America." It crossed my mind that religion
is a great unifying force for a people, even in a country where there
is a diversity of religious faiths. The close contact with death, terror
and a common enemy brought unity to many peoples. This is a good lesson
for Uyghurs who often find their movement in disunity.
Religion has made a comeback to the world stage. Ironically, the western
world that had relegated religion to the private sphere is now saturated
by a media-sponsored education on the religion of Islam. It is sad that
Islam, one of the world's great religions, must come to be understood
in this way, in reaction to an act of terrorism. There is now a new awareness
that religion and politics are a volatile combination, a mix of doctrine
and zeal, passion and reason, a compound like nitroglycerine that can
explode with the slightest shake, a bomb capable of blowing up social
stability. For this reason the church has been separated from the state
in many democracies of the free world, though vestiges of national churches
remain throughout Europe and Asia. For this same reason many Muslim societies,
such as Turkey and Pakistan, have established secular governments.
Many westerners, as well as Uyghur intellectuals, fear the force of religious
passion. Some, through lack of understanding, believe that one must combat
a religion in order to eradicate extremists. Does one have to cut down
the tree in order to destroy the nest? If Islam is the tree where terrorists
hide, it makes more sense to let Muslims themselves climb the tree and
knock down the nest than to cut the tree down.
It does no good for Osama bin Laden to refer to his enemy as infidels,
pagans, and unbelievers, even though it is a trait of human nature to
distinguish between "us" and "them." It also does not resolve any problems
when the Chinese Communist government points to the Muslim faith of the
Uyghurs and associates them with the terrorists of Osama bin Laden. These
strategies only succeed in polarizing a cause and setting the stage for
conflict. The Uyghur struggle is not about Muslim beliefs, it is about
the gross violation of basic human rights by a recognized world power,
the People's Republic of China.
RADICAL RELIGION
I noticed that "being arrested" is one of the qualifications for holding
office in the Transnational Radical Party. A radical in this context is
someone who holds passionately to their belief in human freedoms. A radical
will storm the barricades at risk of death, handcuff herself to express
her commitment, break the rules in order to get attention to a cause.
Radicals are ready to be arrested and go to jail for their ideals.
Probably one of the most radical positions in the world today is to live
by one's religious beliefs. A person who proclaims his Christian faith
in Afghanistan will go to jail and face the possibility of a death squad.
A Christian in China can be arrested if they preach biblical truth outside
a state-regulated orthodoxy. A person who professes their Christian faith
to a secular humanistic audience will understand the meaning of intolerance.
Religious faith is a radical bomb. If I proclaim that you must believe
that Jesus is the Son of God who died for your sins and rose again to
give you eternal life, otherwise you will go to hell, I might as well
be holding a live grenade in this room. In certain circles I will be arrested,
jailed and put to death for making this statement.
Religion is a volatile substance and a delicate subject. There is no doubt
that religious extremists are a threat to the free world. Christian extremists
who kill abortionists distort the doctrines of their faith and generate
terror. Muslim extremists who call for the overthrow of secular governments
in order to institute a Muslim theocratic califate that rules by Sharia
law, also generate terror and destabilize society. The correct response
to these extremists, however, is not to respond with more terror and violence.
The "Dirty War" in Argentina, the "apartheid war" in South Africa, the
response of Russia to Chechnya, the Chinese response to the Tibetans and
Uyghurs, the assassinations of Palestinian leaders by Israeli security
forces, and the US attack on Afghanistan are overreactions that breed
more terrorism. Every state-sponsored act of terror creates a new generation
of potential terrorists and undermines the legitimacy of that state rule.
In China, being a Christian, a Muslim, a Tibetan Buddhist or a Falun Gong
is also a radical act, despite the government's claim to protect freedom
of religion. According to the Amnesty International report of April 1999,
which detailed "gross violations of human rights in the Xinjiang Uyghur
Autonomous Region" of the People's Republic of China, the Communist Chinese
government has instituted a policy of persecuting the Muslim faith of
the Uyghur people. The demonstrations of 1995 in Hotan and in Gulja in
1997 both had a religious spark in the origins of the conflagration. In
the case of the incident at Hotan the religious element was the right
of the people to choose their own religious leader free of state intervention.
In the case of the incident at Gulja the religious element was the right
of the people to freely assemble to practice their faith and build strength
into their community. These religious elements form part of the essential
ethnic makeup of the Uyghur people. It was these religious elements that
were repressed by the Chinese government and therefore presented a threat
to the ethnic sovereignty of the Uyghur people.
RELIGION AND NATION BUILDING
Religion, while volatile, is also a basic building block of society. From
an anthropological perspective, religion plays two significant roles in
the development of human societies. In the first place, religions are
involved in the formation of ethnic identity and in the process of nation
building. There is a synergistic dynamic between how religions shape ethnic
identity and how ethnic groups adopt and adapt religious faith to define
their ethnic identity and assume a political base. Religious beliefs usually
establish the moral framework that undergirds legal systems of justice,
commerce, and social interaction.
In the second place, religions have unified ethnic groups and nation states
into transnational movements. These movements, universal in nature, have
often been anti-nationalistic and even imperialistic in their achievements.
The modern phenomenon of globalization, which is accused of being a form
of western imperialism, has its precedents in the Islamization of Africa
and Asia, as well as the later period of European colonialism which brought
the concept of nation states to local dynasties.
Religions, historically speaking, have contributed to nation building
in powerful ways. In Reformation Europe, religious wars pitting Protestants
against Catholics, defined boundaries that eventually emerged as the borders
of nation states. European ethnic groups developed specific and particular
expressions of a western Christian faith that distinguished them from
other ethnic groups. In this way, the spiritual movement known as Calvinism,
that began in France and French speaking Switzerland, developed into a
Swiss, Dutch and German Reformed Church, as well as a Scottish Presbyterian
Church. German Lutheranism found subtle shades of variation in the Lutheran
churches of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. In these cases ethnic
nationalities appropriated religious faiths to express their unique ethnic
identities. In similar ways, Buddhism found a variety of expressions in
southeast Asia, Mongolia, Tibet, and Japan.
Islam has also been shaped by its encounter with various ethnicities.
The first unified Arab expression of Islam later developed into a split
between Sunni and Shi'a branches as Islam was shaped by the difference
between Arab and Persian cultures. One can see the very particular religious
expression of the Taliban as a cultural adaptation of Islamic faith by
the Pashtun ethnic group that resides in Pakistan and Afghanistan. This
specific religious expression of Islam is not shared by the other ethnic
groups of Afghanistan, such as the Ismaili Tajiks, the Sunni Uzbeks, or
the Shi'a Hazaras, the ethnic groups that make up the Northern Alliance.
The Islam of Central Asia and North Africa is different culturally from
the Islam of Indonesia and the Middle East, even though there are commonly
held theological beliefs across the Islamic world.
We must also acknowledge that Islam has contributed great cultural riches
to the world. With the fall of the corrupt Byzantine Empire to Ottoman
Turks in 1453, Europe experienced a "renaissance," a flowering of science
and culture brought in from Islamic centers in Persia, North Africa and
the Middle East. In effect Islam saved Europe from a medieval Christianity
steeped in superstition and corruption, a medieval Christianity that had
resorted to the terror of the Crusades in order to right a grievance over
the holy land.
THE RELIGION OF THE UYGHURS
The religious expression of the Uyghurs is also unique to their ethnic
identity, reflecting their cultural and historical development. At the
same time their ethnic identity has been shaped over the years by their
encounter with various religious faiths. Whether religion is a substratum
of ethnic identity or whether ethnic identity colors religion is a matter
of perspective. The fact is religious adherence and ethnic identities
have an intricately intertwined relationship.
The early shamanism practiced by the Uyghurs when they were a nomadic
tribe in the Yenisey River Valley of Siberia is still seen today in the
so-called "superstitions" of Folk Islam. The fire dance in the classical
musical cycle of the twelve mukams expresses the encounter of the Uyghurs
with the ancient Zoroastrian religion, a Persian import into Central Asia.
The emergence of the Uyghurs as the leaders of a tribal confederation
came at the same time as their elite adopted Manichaenism, another Persian
import. This first Uyghur empire also adopted the Sogdian written script
in order to read the religious scriptures of the prophet Mani and his
followers.
Later, when the Uyghurs left Siberia to establish a new home in the Tarim
Basin of eastern Turkestan, they adopted Buddhism, which had become the
dominant faith of the Great Silk Road from Afghanistan to Japan. Uyghurs
were also one of the oldest civilizations to exercise freedom of religion.
In the ruins of cities found in the Taklamakan desert, there is evidence
of communities from many religious faiths. The great Venetian traveler,
Marco Polo, saw Nestorian churches next to mosques in the ancient city
of Kashgar. At the same time that Marco Polo came to China, a Nestorian
Christian Uyghur monk traveled from the court of Kublai Khan to Rome.
It is an amazing fact of history that Rabban Sauma, a Nestorian "heretic"
from the Mongol Empire had communion with the Pope of Rome and the kings
of England and France. He must have been a very impressive Uyghur indeed.
The Uyghur freedom movement has been distinguished by its open embrace
of an ecumenical spirit. The Uyghurs are well known for their Silk Road
hospitality. The Uyghur freedom movement includes Muslims, Christians,
Buddhists and Jews working together for the sake of freedom and peace.
Despite the proselytization of Arab and Pakistani Wahhabi missionaries,
the Uyghurs in Central Asia, in the main, have not embraced the Wahhabism
of Arabia, or the extremism found in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Traditionally
Sunni Muslim, Uyghurs have been influenced historically by Sufi saints,
especially from the Naqshbandiya sect. The Sufis, in their longing to
know the personal love of Allah, have not been historically aggressive,
although they were successful preservers of the faith against the communist
atheism brought in during Chinese and Soviet domination.
THE ROOT OF ETHNIC CONFLICTS
If the free world truly wants to address the causes of terrorism and find
a way to eradicate this scourge of western civilization, it needs to address
the problem of ethnic conflict. This is why it is so significant that
the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) is represented
here today. Ethnic conflict is at the heart of every major conflict of
the twentieth century. Today, that ethnic conflict has been exploited
by a global network of terrorists, seeking their own perverse, suicidal,
negative goals.
Imagine if an ethnic group arrives by conquest or migration into the land
of another ethnic group. After time, the newcomers claim that the land
is now theirs for historical or religious reasons. In some cases, an ethnic
group will claim that God had promised the land to their ancestor and
now they are here to collect on that promise. What should be the reaction
of the original inhabitants? This is pretty much the case of the Israelis
in Palestine, or the English in Ireland, or the Chinese in Eastern Turkestan.
Is there not some validity to Osama bin Laden's request to remove US troops
from the holy lands of Saudi Arabia? Is there not some legitimacy to the
Uyghur request for Chinese troops to leave their ancestral homeland? Sadly,
the legitimate grievance has been hijacked by extremists who use violence
because no one in the international community will take responsibility
to address these grievances that spill over across national boundaries.
Terror is not specific to Palestinians, Arabs, or Kurds, nor does it originate
in the Muslim world. Terror has been practiced by the Japanese Red Army,
the Irish Republican Army, the Basque ETA, as well as by German, French
and Italian anarchists in very recent history. Christian fundamentalists
who murder abortion doctors, or drive trucks into federal buildings are
also terrorists. An effort to undermine worldwide terrorism must address
the causes of terrorism, not just the symptoms. The roots of terrorism
are buried in ethnic and religious grounds, nourished by differences in
worldview, resulting in cultural clashes and a war of values.
The war against terrorism, however, is not a clash of civilizations, though
many paint it with those strokes; it is not a crusade or jihad in the
sense of a religious war between believers of different faiths; nor is
it an ideological battle between opposing philosophies or worldviews.
According to the British Shadow Foreign Minister, the present conflict
is simply a war against terror. This means a war between forces of hope
and despair, between the cultures of life and death, between the aspirations
of light and darkness; it is in the last analysis a struggle over moral
decisions taken. The terrorists who committed acts of terror on September
11 may have had valid grudges, grievances, and gripes against the way
the world has mistreated them. However, they chose to respond with a negative
value. They sought to right injustice with terror and therefore they forfeited
any voice in resolving their cause.
BAD THEOLOGY
Recently the Agence France Presse (AFP) conducted a survey of Internet
chat rooms in China to determine responses to the acts of terror in the
USA and the US strike against Afghanistan. Many of the Chinese and Muslim
reactions expressed the idea that the terror attack on America was God's
punishment for America's sins. This is of course bad theology. Are the
Palestinians being punished for their sins because Israel took their land?
Are the Uyghurs being punished for their sins because China has taken
their land? Are the Aghans being punished because the Taliban blew up
Buddhist statues? With this reasoning all the suffering of the peoples
of the world are the result of God's punishment for their sins, which
is biblically correct. However, from a Christian perspective God's judgment
applies to the sins of all men and all suffering is therefore a consequence
of sin.
Again exercising bad theology, my American friends point to the terror
attacks of September 11 and say "there is the true face of Islam when
the mask of piety is taken off." With this logic, the terrorism of the
Ku Klux Klan and the Christian Identity movement must be expressions of
Christianity's true face. All religions have had their extremists devoted
to terrorism, from the Hindu Thuggees to the Jewish Zealots, from the
Christian Templars to the Muslim Assassins.
Whose side is God really on? While the Taliban appeal to the divine might
of Allah for their cause, the US is experiencing a renewed and profound
religiosity as Congressmen sing "God bless America" on the Capitol steps.
The relative world is being polarized along lines of religious, civilizational
and ethical values. The polarization of a global conflict along religious
lines is of course extremely dangerous and volatile. No less than the
Pope called for peace between Muslims and Christians during his recent
visit to Astana, Kazakhstan. His conciliatory words suggested that there
is a potential for an apocalyptic show-down between the cross and the
crescent and therefore a great need for reconciliation and peace between
the representatives of the world's great religions.
The western world has accepted relativism and diversity as basic civilizational
values. However, relativism and diversity cannot become excuses to turn
a blind eye on injustices that are absolute and universal in nature. As
I have said before, there can be no tolerance for the practice of terror.
It's no good for me to say that China's repression of Uyghurs is state
terrorism if I don't add in the same breath that the US support of Israel
inflicts state terrorism on Palestinians, or Russia's war on Chechnya
is nothing less than genocide, or the US strikes in Afghanistan are inhumane
if they kill civilians. In a global community that shares the resources
of one small planet, there must be an absolute value and foundation for
universal human rights applied equally to all nations.
Perhaps that absolute value can be found in a universal recognition that
we are all creatures of a Creator and therefore all created equal, with
liberty, justice and dignity for all. Such a concept was introduced by
the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights which reads in
Article I: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.
They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one
another in a spirit of brotherhood. " Although the UN Declaration does
not acknowledge a "higher power," religious people can read this into
the idea of equality and brotherhood of all men.
RECOMMENDATIONS
What then must we do today in the case of the Uyghurs and their legitimate
grievance?
To ignore the problem is to foment the type of unrest and breed the kind
of terror that afflicts the world.
Recently I interviewed a young Uyghur radical who claimed to have trained
in the Afghan Taliban camps. He was young and sad, a man with little hope
but with a deep and long fuse of anger that was lit against the Chinese
regime that oppressed his people. His justification for waging war or
jihad against China was taken from a passage in the Koran that gave him
the religious right to pick up a Kalashnikov rifle, a Katyusha rocket
launcher or a Sidewinder missile. When I asked him if he had gone into
China to fight, he said that the Taliban had promised them access into
China through the Wakhan Corridor, which at the time was loosely held
by the Northern Alliance. However, after months of waiting for the order
to enter into China, the Taliban changed their minds and commanded the
Uyghur militants to fight the Northern Alliance before releasing the Uyghurs
into China. The Uyghurs, according to this young man, did not want to
fight fellow Muslims so they decided to disband until the way was open
for them to fight the "infidel Chinese" that had invaded their homeland.
It was gratifying to me to know that these few frustrated Uyghurs were
indeed few and relatively impotent. I was gratified not because I value
the Chinese "empire's" hold on Eastern Turkestan, but because I abhor
terror and violence.
A few years ago, when I first met Erkin Alptekin, he spoke with great
concern that the isolation of the Uyghur nation was producing a generation
of radicalized youth. This generation was being alienated from their elders
and beginning to choose the way of violence against their oppressor. I
was greatly saddened by this young Uyghur man who had chosen violence.
But I also know that had he stayed in China he would have been imprisoned
or executed out of frustration and desperation. My prayer is that God
will have mercy on a generation of disaffected Uyghur youth and restore
hope to them.
1. Message to the International Community
What should be our response then?
First of all, speaking as a religious person I am convinced that terrorism
must be answered with understanding, forgiveness and compassion-balanced
by fair justice and strict discipline. The culture of hate must be answered
with love. The values of death must be countered with life. The legitimate
grievances of a people must be addressed in dialogue and compromise. Any
resort to terror must forfeit the right to speak, with no exceptions.
All legal means must be used to bring punishment on both individual criminals
and renegade states.
Second, the world is a global village. The world must include the Uyghurs
in any solutions for Central Asia. I encourage the European Community
to follow up the $1 billion pledged by the US government to rebuild Central
Asia, but please, you must include the Uyghurs in this rebuilding program.
When you invest in business ventures in Xinjiang, make sure you include
Uyghurs in your companies as directors and managers, following the guidelines
of the Sullivan Agreement.
You must not let America become the bully on the block, chasing grasshoppers
on top of elephants, making right by might. The international community
must act courageously to condemn all forms of terrorism and take action
to eliminate this threat to world stability. To a certain extent this
joint action took place in the UN initiatives in Iraq, Somalia, and the
NATO offensives in Bosnia and Kosovo. However the aerial bombing of Yugoslavia
gave license to Russia to raze Chechnya, and offered justification to
China to deal with her internal ethnic problems in a violent way. Remember
that the domestic ethnic problems of the nations are no longer domestic.
They spill over into neighboring regions, destabilizing other nation states.
2. Message to the Uyghur Community
Thirdly, I need to address a message to my friends the Uyghurs-you are
at a crossroads. The world's media spot lights are now focused on Central
Asia. The world is looking at this stage and there on the sidelines, waiting
for their cue are the Uyghurs. On what side of the stage will you enter?
What will be your role? Will you side with Osama bin Laden or with the
international community? Will you turn in bitterness against the world
because the world has ignored your plight for so long? Will the fundamentalists
hijack the Uyghur freedom movement and slam your people into the great
wall of China? I must speak to my Uyghur friends these words of warning.
Be careful which side you choose in this global conflict.
Of course political choice, like religious belief, is also a volatile
issue. If I recommend that the Uyghur movement should align with the West,
I ask them to side with those who have too often chosen greed over justice.
The west has occasionally been a fair weather friend to freedom movements,
often choosing dictators who offer economic stability. If I recommend
to the Uyghurs that they must fight for their rights in the model of the
American Revolution, I commit them to a path of extremism that may lead
to violence and terror. If I say suffer the repressive policies of the
Chinese Communist government in silence I submit them to ethnic suicide,
to the loss of their homeland and to a modern tragedy.
Following the September 11 incident, I noticed some of my Uyghur friends
showed respect for Osama bin Laden. Justin Jon Rudelson in his book "Oasis
Identities" wrote that Uyghurs like a strong leader and are looking for
one to lead their movement. To some Uyghurs, Osama would fit the bill
if he promised to lead the Uyghurs on a jihad against yet a fourth colonial
power and deliver them from their Chinese oppressors. Strangely enough,
Osama bin Laden's holy rage is very selective. He seems to be fixed on
the United States and his cause seems to be restricted to the Palestinians,
Afghans, Iraquis and Saudis. His Al Qaeda statements don't mention the
Chinese occupation of Eastern Turkestan, for example, or the cause of
the Acehnese Muslims against the repressions of the Indonesian government,
or the dilemma of the Kurds divided under Turkish, Iraqi and Russian rule.
Osama bin Laden is obviously a pragmatist rather than an idealist, and
he finds it easier to wage war on America than on China. He probably understands
that if he loses to the US he will get a fair trial, but not so if he
loses to China.
I know that my friends will not take the decision to fight terror with
terror, no matter how desperate their struggle against oppression. The
choice to strike in terror against their oppressors is not a choice but
a submission to defeat. The Uyghurs must choose the side of faith in God,
finding freedom first in their spirits. They must develop a representative
democracy in their communities, educate their youth to succeed in the
world and change from the inside the systems of tyranny practiced by the
Communist Party in China or by the Muslim theocracies of Iran and Afghanistan.
Search your religious roots and beliefs to draw strength for your struggle
and carry out your struggle with the weapons of spiritual power and with
the force of moral right and not with the destructive weapons of this
world.
The choice of which side the Uyghurs should take will have long consequences.
According to Linda Benson in her book, "The Ili Rebellion," Isa Yusuf
Alptekin chose to back the Chinese in 1945, fearing the power of the Soviets
and their ambition to dominate Central Asia. It is curious to think what
would have happened if the Uyghur leaders had chosen to back the imperialistic
Soviets against Nationalist Chinese. The Uyghurs would now be in possession
of their own homeland of Uyghuristan, together with the other Turkic Central
Asian Republics.
The consequences of choosing the wrong side is a lesson that is being
learned here in Belgium, with the fallout from the Nazi era still dividing
the Flemish and Walloon populations of this peaceful country. According
to some reports 30,000 Flemish Nazi sympathizers were hunted down and
rounded up after the war, with some 300 executed. The Uyghur movement
can take a chapter from European and Belgian history to understand the
momentous crossroads it now faces.
The Uyghurs themselves must decide which side best serves their interests,
which path leads to their secured future as a people. This will be the
subject of their deliberations in the next few days here in Brussels when
they meet in their annual kurultai. Consider a new direction in your movement,
embrace a new identity that retains your heritage as Uyghurs and yet is
open to change. Exercise your legendary creativity to reinvent yourselves
as a people, adapt to positive globalizing forces, develop community as
victors and not as victim. Your religion has been hijacked by terrorists.
Will you wrestle with the hijackers and take control of your own movement?
Your challenge lies in the attempt to preserve and develop a distinctive
Uyghur ethnic identity with religious, cultural and historical depth,
in the face of an aggressive and dominating Chinese culture. You also
face a culturally sterile globalization filtering in through western commercial
interests that favor the Chinese. You also face the militant politicization
of Islam through an international terrorist network. You face many trials,
but you who have tamed the desert and conquered the mountains, you will
prevail.
CONCLUSION
We in the international community who claim to represent the cause of
freedom, or who claim to have religious revelation, we can speak out for
the Uyghur people in public forums, we can refuse to be intimidated by
their opponents who would silence us and them, we can enlist the support
of the free press and free governments to bring the Communist Chinese
into dialogue with the Uyghurs and Tibetans. We can help the Uyghurs rebuild
their community, educate their youth, and develop their culture according
to their own leading.
If we have faith we can also pray that God will bring justice through
peace in the world.
God Bless the Uyghurs. Hudaiga Amanet.
Thank you for your attention.
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