III EUROPEAN SEMINAR ON TIBET
FULL AUTONOMY FOR TIBET WITHIN THREE YEARS, OTHERWISE INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION FOR THE TIBETAN GOVERNMENT IN EXILE

European Parliament, Brussels, 7-8 December 2000

Speech made via telephone by Emma Bonino

"Dear friends of Tibet and of democracy in general. Over the years, I have followed the evolution and at times the lack of evolution of the campaign for democracy and the rule of law in China. I was also at the demonstration in Berlin, where I tried in my speech to warn those present of the situation that was developing: great human sympathy, from all over the world, for the Tibetans, but very little in the way of political strategy. As if Tibet had become fashionable, but without much concern for the most serious political consequences.

As things stand at the moment, there are two considerations I would like to make. The first is that for Tibet, and not only for Tibet, we should abandon general campaigns on human rights and turn increasingly to more specific campaigns for the rule of law and democracy, all over the world. This is true not just for Tibet, but in general. General campaigns demanding the respect of human rights tend to involve more ostentation than real practical results, and are thus easy to ignore. This is why I am convinced that the positive aspect of this seminar is the decision to put the issue on a purely political level by means of a precise request: to reach genuine autonomy within three years, with an alternative if this does not happen. That is to ask governments to recognise the Tibetan government in exile if the three-year deadline passes without result. This means leaving behind secret negotiations and asking for real negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations. Real negotiations, out in the open, however tough they may turn out to be, with the objective of autonomy within three years. But also trying to find another possible solution if this were not to come about. And precisely because the question must now be moved onto a purely political level, in an attempt to turn sympathy into action, it is important to involve our countries, above all our governments, both in Europe and in the rest of the world.

This campaign is made up of innumerable strands. I believe, for example, that the resolution approved by the Regional Council of Piedmont on the permanent display of the Tibetan flag on council premises is an extremely important development, because a campaign is normally made up of clear objectives, but also of methods that can, and indeed must, be more complex, because the societies and institutions we are trying to involve are complex.

I believe that this line of thought, already outlined in Berlin and later adopted by the European Parliament, although it may have been met with some puzzlement, represents a qualitative leap which is absolutely necessary. Otherwise our Tibetan friends will continue to receive smiles and slaps on the back, but no concrete results.

During my political career I have learnt that there is nothing more concrete than ideas. And this idea - genuine autonomy in three years or, if not, recognition of the Tibetan government in exile - is especially sound because it sets precise objectives and deadlines. And because it also proposes a method: negotiations out in the open. This, too, is a vital distinction, because secret, "coffee-house" negotiations leave only wounds and annoyance when they fail, which they usually do.

I hope above all that you manage to focus your efforts, to make precise choices (and choosing one thing evidently means not choosing another), because I think that this can be an example, and above all can begin to establish the road towards a move away from general campaigns and general slogans on the respect of human rights, which are not only useless, but also sometimes counterproductive. Because human rights are first of all the civil rights of the individual (the right to one's own culture and one's own expression). I believe that the campaigns for human rights in general have been a mistake, also in the former Yugoslavia, where the question of the civil rights of entire communities and of vast groups of individuals was never posed. And this mistake must not be made again. At first people will probably not understand us. But I believe that twenty years of experience on these issues have led us to realise that human rights and civil rights cannot be defended except in situations in which the rule of law and democracy exist. If we are not convinced of this, and are not able to put the question in these terms, then we simply risk creating more alibis and, I believe, more illusions.

I hope that these two days have brought you round to this awareness and this new approach to the question of civil rights and human rights. Without the rule of law and democracy, it is impossible to defend them, anywhere in the world.

I hope that a period of hard and fruitful work is about to begin. In your home countries and your parliaments, addressed to your governments and to the local institutions wherever you live.

Thank you.